American Trade Politics (4th Edition) by I. M. Destler

By I. M. Destler

During this complete revision of the main influential, commonly learn research of the USA alternate policymaking approach, Destler addresses how globalization has reshaped alternate politics, weakening conventional protectionism yet intensifying trouble approximately trade’s societal affects. fullyyt new chapters deal with the deepening of partisan divisions and the increase of “trade and . . .” concerns (especially exertions and the environment). the writer concludes with a finished financial and political technique to focus on globalization and maximize its advantages. the unique variation of yankee exchange Politics received the Gladys Kammerer Award of the yankee Political technological know-how organization for the easiest publication on US nationwide coverage.

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Extra resources for American Trade Politics (4th Edition)

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24 AMERICAN TRADE POLITICS 02--Chapter 2--11-38 5/19/05 8:50 AM Page 25 imports were a prime issue until a 1955 statutory compromise authorized the president to restrict imports in cases in which they threatened to impair national security, and President Eisenhower imposed oil import quotas four years later. The auto industry remained committed to open trade until the late 1970s. 5 million workers and firms located in every state of the union, had sufficient concern about trade and sufficient political power to threaten the general trade policymaking system unless its specific interests were accommodated.

37. Richard F. , Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973), 207. THE 1934 SYSTEM: PROTECTION FOR CONGRESS 31 02--Chapter 2--11-38 5/19/05 8:50 AM Page 32 This meant that presidents of both parties could tilt in favor of open trade, as they had to for the system to work. There were variations in their degrees of personal commitment: on balance, Gerald R. Ford’s was greater than Richard M. Nixon’s, and Lyndon B. Johnson and Jimmy Carter were more devoted free traders than John F. Kennedy.

This made them trade policy activists, for when they feared being trapped by one-sided pressure for protection, they would look for countervailing interests and encourage them to weigh in on the other side. This approach created frequent tension with legislators championing particular industries. But most congressional trade leaders, most of the time, sympathized with the broad objective of liberal trade and, free of direct responsibility themselves, often connived with their executive counterparts to steer the political game in the direction of trade expansion.

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