Britain, Hanover and the Protestant Interest, 1688-1756 by Andrew C. Thompson

By Andrew C. Thompson

Non secular principles and power-politics have been strongly hooked up within the early eighteenth century: William III, George I and George II all took their function as defenders of the protestant religion tremendous heavily, and confessional pondering used to be of significant importance to courtroom whiggery. This publication considers the significance of this connection. It strains the advance of principles of the protestant curiosity, explaining how such principles have been used to wrestle the perceived threats to the ecu states procedure posed by means of common monarchy, and exhibiting how the need of protecting protestantism inside of Europe grew to become a subject in British and Hanoverian international coverage. Drawing on quite a lot of revealed and manuscript fabric in either Britain and Germany, the e-book emphasizes the significance of a eu context for eighteenth-century British heritage, and contributes to debates in regards to the justification of monarchy and the character of identification in Britain.

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13 BRITAIN, HANOVER AND THE PROTESTANT INTEREST military defeat. He believed in the historian’s ability to discover timeless patterns of development. 65 This dichotomy reflects that adopted by other German intellectuals in prioritising (German) Kultur over (French) Zivilisation. Culture and history offered deeper truth than natural law and civilisation which were both superficial and artificial. 66 Meinecke traced the development of reason of state from Machiavelli to balance of power theorists in the early enlightenment.

24 1 The balance of power, universal monarchy and the protestant interest This chapter explores changes in the international system in the first half of the eighteenth century. It throws new light on the balance of power, one of the models most commonly used to describe international relations in the period. Some critics dispute whether this model actually ‘works’ because the balance of power meant different things to different people. However, this chapter describes a particular understanding of what the balance of power meant to a particular group of people at a particular time.

16–19. 33 Martin Wight, ‘The balance of power’, in Butterfield and Wight, eds, Diplomatic investigations, pp. 149–75. , pp. 151–6. 35 Michael Sheehan, Balance of power: history and theory (London, 1996), pp. 79–82. 36 This interpretation is argued forcefully in Paul W. M. Scott, ‘Paul W. Schroeder’s international system: the view from Vienna’, International History Review, 16 (1994), pp. 663–80 and Charles Ingrao, ‘Paul W. ’, International History Review, 16 (1994), pp. 681–700. 37 Sheehan, Balance of power, p.

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