Comment tremble la main invisible: Incertitude et marches by Éric Brian

By Éric Brian

Il est largement admis aujourd’hui que los angeles crise financière amorcée en 2007, et accentuée � l’automne 2008, a révélé une faille dans les systèmes de gestion des risques, une défaillance des thoughts de fixation des prix et une démesure des interventions spéculatives. Répondant � ce constat, ce livre suggest une nouvelle approche de l. a. cohérence des marchés – de ce que Adam Smith a appelé los angeles « major invisible ». Il examine les conséquences de cette hypothèse sur l. a. modélisation des phénomènes financiers et le comportement des investisseurs.

Issu d’une vingtaine d’années de recherches en épistémologie des sciences économiques et sociales, l’ouvrage s’adresse aux économistes, aux sociologues et aux mathématiciens. En six chapitres, il présente une esquisse de l’histoire des rapports entre économie et mathématiques du hasard ; une définition du cadre hypothétique retenu pour l’analyse ; un bilan de l. a. viewpoint probabiliste sur l. a. cohérence des marchés ; une critique des conceptions de los angeles valeur fondée sur des cadres désormais dépassés ; une exploration de l’incertitude des marchés financiers ; enfin, un élargissement de l. a. « théorie de l’action rationnelle ». Il s’agit finalement de rendre compte aussi bien des activities de donneurs d’ordres surinformés que de celles d’exclus du monde économique régulier.

Au fil de l’ouvrage, il apparaît clairement que los angeles « major invisible » tremble aléatoirement, et pas toujours l� où on l’imagine. Les associations et les calculs économiques enregistrent et transforment cette incertitude. Les attentes de chacun lui répondent, les plus mesurées comme les plus extravagantes.

Éric Brian, historien des sciences et sociologue, est directeur d’études � l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) et dirige l. a. Revue de synthèse. Il est membre de los angeles path du CNRS.

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70). Berg thinks that the concept of experiment used in the humanities and social sciences is semantically diffuse insofar as it concerns an inappropriate and basically purely metaphorical transfer of a specific concept belonging to the natural sciences. The suspicion that social scientists (and their humanities counterparts) would try to symbolically increase the value of the perceived deficit in their scientific scholarship through pilfering vocabulary from the natural sciences is, in its general culturalised form, nothing new; one is confronted with this phenomenon in various disciplines (and in various forms) but above all under the catchphrase “physics envy”.

In a recently published volume on the history of science understood in terms of a history of ideas, Gunhild Berg speaks of a simultaneous “boom of the concept ‘experiment’ in the natural, social and humanistic sciences” (Berg 2009 my translation).  51) is able to compete with the vogue of the concept of the experiment. 8 However, contrary to Berg, I also assume that there are good reasons for this. A conceptual-historical analysis is not necessary to gain an initial impression wherein its function—at least with respect to the theory of Bildung—could reside.

Just because many experimenters appear to believe in this definition does not make it true. One of the early findings of the philosophy of science was that there is a difference between that which the experimenter does, and that which they s/he believes him/herself to be doing when s/he reflects upon his/her work (a significant problem for propaedeutics, insofar as it also orientates itself according to a theoretically plausible, but nonetheless inaccurate, picture of science). Accordingly, the problem for the philosophy of science has always consisted in the fact there was no-one available whom one could, in a certain sense, by way of an expert interview, simply ask.

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